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My love for justice, democracy and poetry made me into who I am. Follow me on Twitter all about #feb20 #morocco http://twitter.com/#!/mariammaslouhi

donderdag 21 februari 2013

Een ode aan Fadoua, Amina en de Marokkaanse vrouwen


Voordat ik dit artikel schreef, had ik de film “475: When marriage becomes punishment” nog niet gezien. Ik wilde mijn betoog houden over het 2-jarig bestaan van de 20 februari beweging in Marokko die nu twee jaar strijdt tegen corruptie en ongelijkheid in Marokko. Nog steeds gaat deze beweging elke week de straat op. Ik had alle cijfers van Human Rights Watch bij elkaar geraapt en concludeerde dat het er niet goed uit ziet voor Marokko. En natuurlijk zou ik vermelden dat vorige week 3 activisten zijn gearresteerd in Tanger. Ik had mijn vertaalde versie van de Marokkaanse constitutie erbij gepakt en ready to shoot. Mijn artikel was zo goed als klaar

Voor de afsluiting en een gezicht bij het verhaal, wilde ik nog wel  “475: When marriage becomes punishment” zien. Het artikel wilde ik ook afsluiten met de film.

Na de film wilde ik mijn artikel afmaken maar kon het niet. Ik was boos, ontzet en verdrietig. Na bijna 2 jaar niet in Marokko te zijn geweest kwamen de beelden van de film hard aan.

Ineens bedenk ik me dat ik misschien bewust een lange tijd niets heb geschreven over Marokko. Het zijn niet de films en artikelen die zo een indruk op mij maken. Het zijn de herinneringen die zij weer tot leven brengen. Door de films en artikelen zijn de vrouwen, met wie ik tijdens mijn jaar vrijwilligerswerk in Marokko heb gewerkt, weer erg dichtbij. Elk verhaal, elk kind en elke traan zag, voelde en herleefde ik.

Als zeventienjarig meisje, vers van de HAVO en met een koffer vol dromen, vertrok ik naar Marokko. Ik ging daar werken als vrijwilligster in een weeshuis waar bijna dagelijks baby’s werden achtergelaten door (voornamelijk) ongehuwde moeders. Dikwijls werden baby’s ook afgeleverd door de politie. Die hadden dan een baby in een vuilcontainer gevonden. Mijn collega’s waren vrouwen die 48 uur in de week werken en 110 euro per maand verdienen maar toch altijd vol goede moed maar doorgaan.

Van dichtbij zag ik hoe Marokko een land is waar je overlevingskans afhangt van hoe hard je de ander de grond in kan rammen. Waar de kans op adoptie afhangt van hoeveel een baby kwijlt (hoe minder, hoe beter natuurlijk). Een tint lichter is helemaal gegarandeerd adoptiesucces.
Elke keer tijdens “475: When marriage becomes punishment” als Amina Filalis gezicht verscheen, zag ik het meisje bij de ingang van het weeshuis. Onschuldig vroeg ze me, met tranen in haar ogen, om haar kindje even vast te houden.  Ze moest even naar de apotheek. Ik weigerde. Ik moest weigeren. Belangrijkste regel in het weeshuis is: neem nooit een kind aan van de moeder. Je ziet haar namelijk nooit meer terug.
De maker van de “475: When marriage becomes punishment” zei toen hij aan de film begon: “This will not be a movie about just the law or Amina. It’s for Moroccan women. Everywhere.”

Overal. Dus jij ook. En terwijl je de film kijkt, wees je er dan van bewust  dat vrouwen en meisjes nu, morgen, overmorgen en de dagen daarna weer de straat op zullen gaan in Marokko. Om voor de zoveelste keer dat ene papiertje bij de rechtbank te vragen, of ruim een uur moeten lopen voor een overvolle klaslokaal, of om voor het parlementsgebouw te staan en te protesteren. Bekijk de film en sta even stil bij deze vrouwen. Everywhere.

Bekijk hier de film "475: When marriage becomes punishment" http://vimeo.com/60159667

maandag 19 maart 2012

#FreeEzzedine

Graag wil ik uw aandacht vragen voor het volgende. Ik weet het, in deze tijden wordt er veel van u gevraagd. Honger in Afrika, ellende in Syrie, moord en brand in Gaza (dat laatste alleen als u dat heeft meegekregen hoor want er wordt een hoop op u afgevuurd vanuit de tv). En nu ga ik er een schepje bovenop doen.
 Khader Adnan bijvoorbeeld. U weet wel die Palestijnse bakker die zonder enige aanklacht in de gevangenis belandde en in hongerstaking ging. En dan hebben we nog Hana Shalabi, de dertig zomers jonge dame, die voordat ze werd gearresteerd was aangerand door een Israelische soldaat. Had ik al gezegd dat ze in hongerstaking is gegaan en zit nu 31 dagen vast.

 Maar nu wil ik het graag hebben over het land van uw buren, overburen, collega of studiegenoot. Marokko. Marokko heeft afgelopen week vaak in het nieuws gestaan. Niks over de mooie stranden of de leuke souks vol kleuren en geuren. Protesten, knuppels en arrestaties. De activist van de 20 februari protestbeweging  Yuba Zalen heeft een flink pak rammel gekregen van de politie en werd de gevangenis in gegooid en daar keer op keer geintimideerd. Toevallig was Yuba Nederlands en dankzij zijn vrienden in Nederland is er druk gezet op Nederland om hem te bevrijden. Marokko heeft tegenwoordig nooit zoveel zin in diplomatieke rellen met een westerse natie. Dan is er nog Amina Filali.  De 16-jarige die zelfmoord pleegde nadat ze gedwongen was om met haar verkrachter te trouwen. Ze gebruikte rattengif om een einde te maken aan haar leven. Haar moeder zegt dat Amina is vermoord door haar kersverse schoonfamilie. Vlak voor haar dood zou ze namelijk haar moeder gebeld hebben met de mededeling dat ze zich niet goed voelde en dat haar schoonmoeder haar het rattengif gevoerd had.

 Na deze opsommig hoop ik niet dat u denkt dat ik met iets optimistisch kom. Maar het volgende 
Ezzedine Erousi
verhaal zou wel eens een positieve wending kunnen krijgen. Maar dat hangt van u af.  Het betreft Ezzedine Erousi. Een Marokkaanse student uit Taza, een kleine plaats in het noorden van Marokko. Ezzedine is lid van de studentenvereniging van de universiteit daar. Op 1 december is hij gearresteerd tijdens een protest omdat Ezzedine lid is van de studentenvereniging. Dit is volgens de autoriteiten een illegale beweging. Ezzedine is op 19 december in hongerstaking gegaan. Ik durf niet eens op mijn kalender te kijken om te tellen hoeveel dagen hij nu in hongerstaking is. In een brief liet Ezzedine weten dat hij gemarteld is. Beste mensen, het gaat heel slecht met Ezzedine.

 Yuba had geluk, naast dat hij Marokkaans is, is hij Nederlands. We kunnen dus geen boze mails schrijven naar een ambassade en geen Kamervragen stellen. Yuba stond in de Nederlandse kranten, grote nieuwswebsites. Amina Filali kwam zelfs op Marokkaanse staatstv, omdat het geen directe aanval was op het corrupte regime in Marokko. Een schein van liberalisering as you will. Maar Ezzedine, die staat er alleen voor. Ezzedine deed wat mijn mede studenten in Leiden ook doen, de belangen behartigen van studenten. Ezzedine wilt goed onderwijs, waardigheid, een eerlijke kans op een baan.

Enfin. Nadat ik uw aandacht heb gehad wil ik u het volgende vragen. Samen ervoor zorgen dat Ezzedine, net als Khader Adnan, er niet alleen voor staat. Zoals Hana Shalabi er nu niet alleen voor staat. Ik wil u vragen om solidair te zijn met Ezzedine zoals u solidair was met Yuba. En om verontwaardigd te zijn zoals u dat was toen u over Amina las. Dus alstublieft teken deze petitie en #FreeEzzedine! Dat is toch niet te veel gevraagd?


Mariam El Maslouhi
Activiste van 20 februari beweging Marokko/Nederland.





zondag 26 februari 2012

Shame, Al Jazeera, Shame

So al-Jazeera decided not to air the documentary on Morocco and the 20th of February Movement (nuqta sakhina), which they had been promoting for more than a week. Why not? Again? (In November the same thing happened (back then the al-Jazeera crew was forbidden to go to Tanger and the al-Hoceima area: two centers of the Moroccan uprising).

The Moroccan king recently 'gave' the Qatari emir some 45.000 hectares (=450 km²) in the Guelmim area so that the Qatari emir could go hunt there. And also, these two weeks al-Jazeera has been negotiating a possible return to Morocco with the new minister of information. So I guess the negotiations are concluded. Perhaps the documentary was just a card in the negotiation-process. This is Gulf-media. Shame, shame, shame Yassine Channouf (Feb20Vlaanderen)

woensdag 14 december 2011

Moroccan King congratulates President Marzouki


قال لك أسيدي، خير وسلام، الملك محمد السادس هنأ الرئيس منصف المرزوقي، وأكد رغبة المملكة في دعم التجربة الديمقراطية في تونس . Via Hamza Mahfoud



Apparently the Moroccan King congratulated the new president of Tunisia Moncef Marzouki. He says that his Kingdom will support the democratic experiment in Tunisia. 


It's like Saleh congratulating the people of Egypt with their victory over Mubarak. Weird. 
I know Morocco differs from Tunisia, Egypt ect. I have heard that many times but when I look at what Morocco had in common I see a lot more similarities than differences.


I see that in Morocco all the wealth is in the hands of the elite; family, friends of the King. Just like the Ben Alis, Traboulsis, Mubaraks and Khadaffis.
I see that in Morocco 'outspoken' journalists are accused of being terrorists just like in Egypt. And Human Rights Activists are exceiled just like Marzouki was.
And I see that a child in Gaza gets better education than my niece in Rabat.


I could go on on..but I hope I made my point. 


It is silly for the King to congratulate Merzouki a man who fought almost all his life against a regime like His Majesties.


Source
http://www.naharnet.com/stories/ar/23324

zaterdag 10 december 2011

Video: Funeral of Mohamed Slimane in his home town Bni Nsar, Nador



Mohamed Slimane was a 21 year old gasoline seller from the city of Nador, north of Morocco. On the 7th of December he set himself on fire as an reaction to the constant harassment of police officers trying to bribe him. They would confiscate his goods if he didn't pay the police officers. Witnesses also said that he was slapped by the police and insulted.

He died Friday 9th of December in the hospital.

There have been Slimanes before him and if there is no change in Morocco more will unfortunately follow.

The 20th February Movement demonstration in Morocco will be in honor of the martyr Mohamed Slimane.

vrijdag 9 december 2011

Gasoline seller dies of his injuries after setting himself on fire.

Mohamed Slimane was a 24 year old gasoline seller from the city of Nador, north of Morocco. On the 7th of December he set himself on fire as an reaction to the constant harassment of police officers trying to bribe him. They would confiscate his goods if he didn't pay the police officers. Witnesses also said that he was slapped by the police and insulted.

He died Friday 9th of December in the hospital.

There have been Slimanes before him and if there is no change in Morocco more will unfortunately follow.

The 20th February Movement demonstration in Morocco will be in honor of the martyr Mohamed Slimane.


Source: Lakome.com
http://lakome.com/%D9%85%D8%AC%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B9/84-%D9%85%D8%AC%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B9/10692-2011-12-09.html



Video: Demonstration in Nador in honor of Slimane.




Video: Graphic video of Mohamed Slimane on the ground..



woensdag 7 december 2011

Reconsidering Morocco's opposition

As expected the Islamist PJD (Party for Justice and Development) won the elections in Morocco on Friday November 25. This was the logical consequence of its opposition against the pro-democracy February 20 movement. With the appointment of Fouad Ali El Himma as a royal advisor of the king, it's important to take a look at how El Himma, the PJD and the February 20 movement shaped each others future.

From clandestinity to recognition

The PJD is very connected to its Secretary General Abdelillah Benkirane. During the seventies Benkirane belonged to an extreme-islamist organisation, the Shabiba Islamiyya. But he soon realised that it would remain marginalised.

Abdelillah Benkirane
After his departure from Shabiba Islamiyya he formed the Islamist Group (Jamaa al-Islamiya). That organisation changed its name in 1992 to Reform and Renewal (Islah wa Tajdid). In that same year he asked the Moroccan authorities to start a political party, but based on his past they rejected this.

In 1996 Abdelillah Benkirane contacted the MPDC (Democratic and Constitutional Popular Movement ) of Abdelkrim Khatib, a conservative party that was pro-monarchy. The MPDC was weak and nearing its end and happilly welcomed Benkirane. But Benkirane had to regroup all Islamic organisations before he could join the MPDC.

In that same year the Islamic Dawa ('Preaching') organisation from the city Fes, the organisation Ashourouk and the Islamic Association of Kser Kébir came onder the leadership of Benkirane. He merged the parties together in the overarching League for an Islamic future (Rabitat al-Moustaqbal al-Islamy).

This movement was to be led by Ahmed Raïssouni who would later change the name to Movement for Unity (or 'Monotheism') and Reform (Harakat at-Tawhid wal-Islah). Eventualy the Movement for Unity and Renewal had more than 200 Islamic organisations and Benkirane was chosen as vice-Secretary General of the MPDC and became this way the right hand man of Khatib.

The reforms of Hassan II

Early in the nineties king Hassan II realised that he had to liberalise the political scene. These so called 'reforms' got the name Alternance (or 'alteration'). The most important pilar of these reforms was the socialist opposition party USFP (Socialist Union of Popular Forces).

With a number of other parties the USFP formed the Koutla al-demouqratiyya (The Democratic Bloc). In 1996 Hassan II announced a new constitution in which his position got strengthened. The Democratic Bloc was forced to call for a 'yes' vote in a referendum about the constitution.

In 1997 parliamentary elections were held where the Democratic Bloc couldn't gain a majority, but Abderrahman Youssoufi, the Secretary General of the USFP eventually become prime minister and the MPDC entered the Moroccan parliament with nine chairs and changed its name in 1998 into PJD.

New king, old reforms


On July 23, 1999 King Hassan II died and his son Mohammed VI claimed the throne. He inherited a country that craved for reforms. The new king tasked Driss Benzekri, a former opposant who belonged to the left and Amazigh movement, to start a reconsiliation commitee called IER (Equity and Reconsiliation). This didn't happen before 2004.

Meanwhile Mohammed VI reformed the family law in favor of women and took the first steps for the recognition of the Berber language (Tamazight). He also lifted the house arrest of Abdeslam Yassine, leader of the islamist movement Justice and Spirituality (Adl Wal Ihsaan), who rejected the monarchy because of the religious authority of the king as 'Commander of the believers' (Amir al Mumineen).

But the reforms of Mohammed VI didn't mean a radical break up with the past and continue on the tempo that was set by his father. In 2002 the PJD surprised everyone in Morocco by winning 42 of the 295 chairs in parliamentary elections.

The PJD made progress and this was clearly a consequence of the discontent over the slow reforms. In 2004 Saad Eddine el-Othmani got elected as party leader, in a way that was unique for an Islamist party. PJD became the first Islamist political party in the Arab world to hold open party elections.

The new Secretary General el-Othmani was the moderate face of the PJD and made the party to commonly accepted in the broader political circles. The USFP on the other hand was descredited because of its participation in the policy. In 2007 the PJD seized another victory by winning 46 chairs in the parliament and became the second largest party in Morocco. As a result the palace decided to take action to stop the rise of the PJD.

Here comes the tractor

Fouad Ali El Himma
On August 10, 2008 Fouad Ali El Himma, a former Interior Minister and close friend of king Mohammed VI, launched PAM (Party of Authenticity and Modernity). PAM incorporated different excisting parties of the Moroccan parliament – something that was juridically illegal. The palace even had to intervene because there was a mass run to the PAM. Entire parties dismantled so they could join the PAM.

PAM's logo is a tractor that represents the party's message and that is to silence every opposition to the palace. The task of the PAM was especially to make life hard for the PJD. The dirty work was executed by Morocco's most controversial politician: Ilias El Omari.

Ilias El Omari: the nightmare of the PJD

PAM was a true nightmare for the PJD. Mostly the second man, Ilias El Omari, a former left and Amazigh activist, had to make shure - in order of the palace – that PJD as an opposition party wouldn't get the chance to grow. It's not surprising that leader Benkirane, saw Ilias El Omari as his number one enemy.

Omari had a lot of contacts within the Amazigh movement and in leftist political parties in the northern region of the Rif where he originated from. This region is known for its long opposition against the palace. In 1999 Omari started the news paper Al Mouwatin. In 2004 he was named as chairman of the IRCAM (Royal Institute for the Amazigh Culture).

In 2005 Omari was appointed as member of the Higher Counsel for Audiovisual Communication. He also becomes president of the footballteam CRA. His first deed as top member of PAM was blackmailing PJD on a local level. With the help of the intelligence services he prevented some members of PJD from becoming mayor.

He also accused the PJD of preparing an attack against his life. PAM accused the PJD of intending to change Morocco into a 'midieval' country. It looked as if the PAM would become the biggest party of Morocco in the parliamentary elections that were planned for 2012. But unexpected circumstances got in the way.

Birth of the February 20th movement

Logo 20th february movement in Morocco
A number of Moroccan youngsters decided to take to the streets on February 20, 2011. With the events in the Arab world (Tunisia, Egypt) this day got a special meaning. It was for the first time in Moroccan history that different political movements gathered in the streets to protest despite their ideological contradictions.

The February 20 movement listed twenty demands that couldn't be discussed and it also targeted the pro-monarchy PAM. The palace wanted to do everything to destroy the February 20 movement with a subtle tactic.

Ilias El Omari and Fouad Ali El Himma quit the party office of PAM because they were held responsible for corruption by the young protesters. The PJD decided to use the February 20 movement to strengthen its position, by expressing its sympathy towards it. However, joining the protests of the February 20 movement would have become a poisoned gift, because it would mean more marginalisation in the political system where the palace defines the rules.

King Mohammed VI announced on March 9, 2011 to prepare a new constitution in an attempt to block the young protest movement. A few months later the new constitution appeared to be not so new. The PJD supported the new constitution and in the proces that proceeded this, it kept pointing a finger at PAM, because PAM was known as a corrupt party. This way the PJD killed two birds with one stone: the PAM and the February 20 movement. On the first of July the new constitution got approved through a referendum and under loud protest of the February 20 movement.

PJD: the new tractor?

A new constitution meant new elections. These were held on Friday November 25. While the participation rate is relevant, it's more interesting to look at the possible consequences for the opposition in Morocco.

The new constitution puts all important powers in hands of the king. The palace continues to define the rules of the game in Morocco. The PJD may have won 107 of the 395 chairs, the question is whether it will get the freedom to apply its program.

In the past months the PJD functioned as a new pro-monarchy party against the political opposition. Question is whether it will become like the USFP, a party that will subscribe itself completely in the system. We'll get the answer sooner than we expect.

Fouad Ali El Himma is still there

The ones chased by the protestmovement seem to have find a way to protect their power. On July 23, 2011, during the Twiza festival in Tangiers, the launch of the Union of North African Peoples (UNAP) was announced. Both the Twiza festival and the UNAP are dedicated to dedicated to the Amazigh culture. El Omari controls the organisation of the festival and he is the treasurer of the UNAP. In the long run these positions could lead to his return in the political scene.

But more relevant today is how we got a preview of the attitude of the PJD towards the power of the palace. On December 7, 2011 the king appointed Fouad Ali El Himma as a royal advisor, despite his links with corruption and the fact that his party PAM lost seats in the recent elections. Prime minister Benkirane described the current place of El Himma as an honorful way of retreating from politics. Probably it's the opposite: it is his honorful comeback. It looks like a new battle against the opposition of the February 20 movement is being prepared.

Author: Mohamed El Khalfioui

Translated by Hasna Ankal, with help of Vince Buyssens and Mariam El Maslouhi

This article was first published on November 29, 2011 on the Belgian newswebsite DeWereldMorgen in Dutch. The article in English has been updated with the news about Fouad Ali El Himma.